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Dumbarton Glassworks | ||
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The extant records of the Dumbarton Glass Work Company, which was in existence from 1777 to I850, with the exception of six years between I832 and I838, provide an almost unique insight into a business which was during the first three decades of the nineteenth century the largest concern of its type in Scotland and probably the pre-eminent glass undertaking in Britain. From its humble beginning in 1777, when it provided a convenient outlet for the output of the Knightswood colliery, the company quickly expanded, in the process absorbing the parent concernt until between 1814 and 1826 it was producing 92.5 per cent of all crown glass made in Scotland and the equivalent of 35.4 per cent of all English productions. | ||
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The company also provides an interesting analysis of entrepreneurial activity, which has been described in full elsewhere. From 1776 until 1793, when he was declared bankrupt, the company was controlled by James Dunlop of Garnkirk, |
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wealthy businessman, tobacco merchant and landowner, assisted by a group of lesser men who could best be described as investors and / or managers. Between 1793 and 1816 financial control was wielded by Alexander Houston of Clerkington. However, of greater interest during this period was the rise to prominence of the Dixon family who, by 1816, had established beyond all doubt their control which was to last until 1832. From 1838 until 1850 the company was owned by James Christie, ironmaster and partner in the Calder Iron Works, but it never regained its economic leadership and when it ultimately closed 1850 the undertaking was a mere shadow of its former self. | ||
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Although the extant records of this firm refer almost exclusively to the major works at Dumbarton, the company, by a process of horizontal and vertical integration, owned at various stages in its life, five coal works, four of which had connecting tramways to two company wharves on the River Clyde, from where company barges transported coal to the Dumbarton works; two bottle works; a brewery and a farm; seven sea-going vessels providing transport services to other parts of Scotland, and also England and Ireland; wholesale and / or retail facilities at Dumbarton, Glasgow, London, Liverpool, New York and other places; and finally two other companies whose functions remain unknown. Thus, the company was a complex business unit, largely self-sufficient, not only able to provide its most costly raw material, namely coal, but also able to make provision for the relatively scarce service of transport facilities. Such input and output independence was reinforced by financial independence in the form of reinvestment of profits. By the time the company's capital had reached its zenith of £98,400 in 1814, re-investment of profits previously earned accounted for £75,264.24, or 76.49 per cent, of that total sum. Such general independence was, undoubtedly, partly responsible for the economic leadership of the undertaking on a national scale. This inherent strength, however, is also indicative of the calibre of the businessmen responsible for the Dumbarton concern. | ||
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Initially, the Dumbarton Glass Works concentrated on the production of bottles, but as early as April 1781 the transition was made from bottle glass production to crown window glass production, although some bottles continued to be made at Dumbarton. In the second half of the eighteenth century crown glass was becoming increasingly popular because of its superior quality, and for use in domestic glazing, it was replacing window glass made on the cylinder principle. Crown glass or Normandy glass as it was sometimes called had been made in Britain as far back as the sixteenth century, but it had not become established and was reintroduced towards the end of the seventeenth century. | ||
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The production of crown glass demanded a detailed division of labour by a group consisting of as many as ten men and youths. The simpler stages of production were carried out by the less skilled, younger members of the team, and the later, more sophisticated stages by the skilled craftsmen. Thus, by progressing from the simple to the complex the young apprentices gained the experience necessary for them to become skilled glass workers. Initially, the young apprentices were engaged in menial tasks such as wiping the blow-pipes before the metal was gathered from the pots, or holding a shield, probably a shovel, to protect the gatherer's face from the intense heat. Nevertheless, such youths considered themselves fortunate. To become a skilled glass maker one had generally to be born into the trade, since the skilled workmen, aware of their scarcity value, attempted to keep the secrets of their trade within their own family, and so prevent 'outsiders' from entering it. Thus, having first gained entry to the trade and then completed their apprenticeship, normally seven years, the youths emerged as skilled crown glass manufacturers, often specialising in blowing or in flashing the molten glass. | ||
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Prior to the metal (as the liquid glass was known) being worked, it had to be founded for a period of hours and brought to a viscous consistency. Of obvious importance was that such metal should be free of impurities and in an attempt to ensure this, it was normal to allow a fire-clay ring to float on the metal. When these preparations had been completed, one of the more senior apprentices gathered a quantity of metal on a blow-pipe from the centre of the ring. This first gathering, since it was unlikely that a sufficient quantity of metal had been gathered, was allowed to cool, and a second gathering was made by yet another assistant upon it. | ||
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When the second gathering was completed marvering took place. During the process of marvering the metal was rolled on a polished metal table or in a hollowed block of wood until it assumed a pear-like shape. Marvering also required division of labour. The craftsmen rotated the blow-pipe, while an apprentice blew down it until the pear-shaped mass formed a globe. During this operation re-heating was normally necessary as the glass cooled and set. When the globe was formed to the satisfaction of the craftsman a solid iron rod, known as a pontil or punty, was attached to the globe directly opposite the blow iron which was now removed leaving the globe with a hole with slightly jagged edges. At this stage a highly skilled glassmaker took the globe or 'piece' as it was now known, and reheated it in a flashing furnace. As the piece began to soften it was rotated rapidly on the pontil until, by the effect of centrifugal force, the glass flashed into a flat circular plate, or table of crown glass. When the flashing took place the table was immediately removed from the flashing furnace, but since the table was still soft further rotation was required until such time as it became cool and rigid. When this occurred, the pontil was cut free by one of the apprentices and the table placed in a kiln for annealing. | ||
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The advantage of this method of production was that the glass did not come into contact with any surface while being made and was thus remarkable for its clarity and transparency. However, there were disadvantages. The tables were circular, comparatively small and the number of squares that could be cut from each table was restricted by the crown, where the pontil had been attached, and by the selvage at the rim. | ||
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The conditions of the glasswork's were far from ideal, 'the work was extremely hot and exacting and the glasshouses themselves, dark and ill ventilated. Little air was permitted to penetrate the glasshouse, there was very little light apart from the bright glare from the molten glass, the heat close to the openings into the furnace was unbearable'. In view of this exacting toil it is not surprising that the glasswork's were described as, 'in general a very decent set of fellows but given to drinking'. | ||
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The complex business structure of the Dumbarton Company is well documented, but of the physical size and layout of the individual subsidiary units little is known. However, information is available concerning the main works at Dumbarton, which are said to have extended to over 6 acres. The dominance of the works, and of the Dixon family, within the burgh of Dumbarton is illustrated by a plan of Dumbarton about the year I800. Prior to this in I792 these main works at Dumbarton had been completed by the erection of the third glasshouse cone. The initial construction of this cone in I79I was marred by the tragic deaths of six men. However, such calamitous events are often fortunate for the economic historian. In this particular case the accident allows us to date the completion of these works. | ||
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Moreover, the growing stature of the works and their national recognition is attested by the fact that the accident was reported in the Metropolis. The London Star of I4 November I79I reported that, | ||
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"On Friday last the cone of a new glasshouse was finished at Dumbarton Glassworks. On Saturday the workmen began to take down the new scaffolding and continued doing so till Tuesday morning betwixt g and I0 o'clock, when, all of a sudden, one of the main arches that supported the cone gave way which occasioned the whole of the round part of the building to fall in, by which dreadful accident six men were killed on the spot; the other five are thought not to be dangerously hurt." |
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The long-term significance of the construction of the glasshouses at Dumbarton is emphasised by the fact that it has been alleged that the first glasshouse of the now famous Pilkington concern. A single cone that stood 120ft high with an internal diameter of 66ft was possibly modelled upon one of the cones at Dumbarton. The Pilkington cone was built during the summer, autumn and winter of 1826 at a cost of £8,000. The physical layout of the Dumbarton works, after the erection of the third glasshouse cone can bee seen in the illustration below. In 1792 the value of Lott and Buildings at Dumbarton in 1793 was £12,256, a figure which remained constant until 1807; between 1809 and 1821 the equivalent figure was £10,000, falling to £8,000 between 1822 and 1826, at which date continuous statistics end. In 1825 the values of the subsidiary bottleworks at Glasgow and Greenock were £12,000 and £5,000, respectively. By 1833 the value of the works at Dumbarton had appreciated to £10,000, at which time the 'Ground at Glasgow' was valued at £22,000 and the works at Greenock at £3,000. The early adoption of labour-saving machinery, a reflection of the entrepreneurial ability of the partnership, is evident at Dumbarton. As early as 1801 a steam engine, valued at £5,000, was operating at the Dumbarton works. The function of the engine is not known, although it may have been used for grinding and polishing. In 1795 the British Plate Glass Company found that by using a steam engine for these purposes it could save the labour of 160 men. The use of such engines was not confined to the Dumbarton works. In 1819 the Skaitrigg Coal Work, which also included the Knightswood and Temple pits, was operating three steam engines and a gig engine, and these were supplemented in I82I by the purchase of a new gig engine for the Temple pit. The total value of these engines in I824, including the steam engine at the Dumbarton works, was £2,730. | ||
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It is impossible to state with any degree of certainty the actual number employed by the Dumbarton Company, either at the major works at Dumbarton or at the various subsidiary concerns. Similarly, it is almost impossible to state average weekly earnings. | |
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The table below, which refers solely to the Dumbarton works, has been drawn up from all sources discovered and it gives an indication of the diversity of opinion on this particular aspect. From this table, therefore, it is impossible to determine with accuracy the number employed, although the most popular estimate appears to be 300 employees. It has also been suggested that in addition to the estimated 300 employees at the Dumbarton glassworks, 'there was also a heavy import and export trade employing several hundred hands'. However, it is impossible to verify this information. | ||
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Labour Force and Wages at Dumbarton 1777-1831 | ||
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Year |
No Employed (where given) |
Wage (where given) |
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1777 |
- |
£1.00 Per Week |
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1785 |
300 |
£1.00 Per Week |
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1790 |
300 |
£1.00 Per Week |
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1794 |
150 |
£1.00 Per Week |
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1798 |
130 |
£1.25 Per Week |
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1806 |
600 |
£0.17 Per Week |
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1811 |
300 |
£0.17 Per Week |
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1831 |
300 |
£1.00 Per Week |
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As has already been inferred above, of all those employed within the Dumbarton works, relatively few were skilled glassworks or even assistants to the glassworks. The vast majority of those employed, possibly as many as 90 per cent, worked at tasks outside the three glasshouse cones. In all probability such unskilled labour was recruited locally, but there is evidence to suggest, that skilled labour was imported. From the map of the works it can be seen that the space allotted to actual glass production was small relative to the total area of the glassworks. Many of the unskilled would be employed in the cutting room, the mill and clay house, in the packing glass warehouse and the glass and bottle yard, in the coal yard, kelp store, stables and so on; others would be employed in a joiner's shop putting the crates together and in pot rooms making pots. | ||
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Some skilled labour was imported. As early as 20 October 1776 an agreement was drawn up between James Dunlop and James King, partners in the company, and Ralph Ashworth of Newcastle Upon Tyne worked as a bottle-glass blower and finisher at Dumbarton for a period of seven years from 1 May 1822. Such 'alien' recruitment is evident throughout the history of the concern and it attests to the apparent wanderlust of skilled glassmakers. In 1785 John Roans who had originally been apprenticed at the Edinburgh Glass Works and later employed at glasshouses in England, Ireland, and at Cork, was employed at the Dumbarton workshop. Even as late as 1845 James Christie, the then owner of the works, bribed Richard Pemberton, an employee of Pilkingtons, to desert his employment and to work at Dumbarton. Christie likewise employed other runaways from Pilkingtons. Moreover, Christie allegedly began the manufacture of German sheet glass in the mid-1840's with the aid of French workmen. | ||
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Thomas Gerand demonstrates an extreme example of the mobility of the skilled glassworker. In I849 Gerand worked at Dumbarton for about nine months after having left Pilkingtons. On leaving Dumbarton he went to Birmingham and from there to America and Canada where he worked as a blower in New Jersey, Montreal and Philadelphia. He then returned to Pilkingtons but left their employment to work at Sunderland and later at Nailsea, near Bristol, before returning/ once again, to Pilkingtons. | ||
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From the table it is obvious that it is difficult to assess the wage payments of the glassworks. In 1776 Ralph Ashworth, a bottle-glass blower and finisher at Dumbarton, received a weekly wage of £1.00 'whether the fires were in or out'; the company also provided him with a room and coals. From the diagram of the Dumbarton works it can be seen that there were two rows of workmen's houses; unfortunately the exact number is not known. In all probability these houses would either be given to the workers free of charge, or at a nominal rent. Although the number of houses is not known, their value is and it represents a substantial capital outlay for the company; in addition there would be some annual expense incurred in the upkeep of the houses. Between 1793 and 1801 their value remained constant at £800; between 1802 and 1804 there was a slight increase and the houses were valued at £850. In 1805 there was a substantial increase in value to £1,050, a figure that remained constant until 1821, when the houses decreased in value by over 50 per cent to £5,000. However, there was a 40 per cent increase during the final two years for which figures are available, and in 1825 and I826 they were valued at £700. Despite the fact that little is known about these houses, it seems safe to assume that any increase in their overall value represents additional house building or improvements in the existing property and that any decrease represents the depreciation of the houses over the years. | ||
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There is also the possibility that expense may have been incurred in entertaining the workers on specific festive occasions. Since this was fairly common practice by such men as Richard Arkwright, Matthew Boulton and others, there is no reason to suppose that the Dixons were lacking in public relations and paternalism. | ||
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Extracts taken from John C. Logan's The Operation of a Glassworks in the industrial revolution. | ||
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